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The security of a transit system is part of the service that the
transit agency provides. Passengers regard their safety as the agency's
responsibility. An early study by Thrasher and Schnell (1971) concluded
that the risk of being involved in a crime incident is at least
twice as great in a transit system as in a private vehicle. Because
the perception of insecurity reduces people's willingness to use
transit, and because crime can damage facilities, preventing crime
on transit systems is of as much concern to transit agencies as
on-time performance and comfort.
Crimes committed in transit systems include disorderly conduct,
public drunkenness, non-payment of fares, theft, harassment/threat,
narcotics, weapons violation, purse snatching, simple assaults and
batteries, robberies and attempts, aggravated assaults, sexual assaults,
rapes and attempts, and homicides and attempts (Needle, 1997). These
crimes occur in transit stations, at transit stops, or on board
transit vehicles, and often at night.
Crimes reported in the National Transit Database (NTD) are commonly
categorized into three groups: (1) quality of life crimes, (2) property
crimes, and (3) violent crimes (6). These three groups can be described
as follows:
- Quality of life crimes are small crimes that degrade the overall
quality of life and degrade the level of service of the transit
system. These include public drunkenness, vandalism, and disorderly
conduct.
- Property crimes include burglary, larceny, and fare evasion.
- Violent crimes include homicide, robbery, assault, and rape.
Past reviews of the federal statistics (Boyd 1998, Thompson 1998)
have shown that quality of life crimes are the most numerous (64
percent) for bus crimes, with property crimes (22 percent) next
and violent crimes (14 percent) last. In the quality of life category,
drunkenness, disorderly conduct, and vandalism account for nearly
80 percent of the crimes (Boyd 1998). Small- and medium-sized bus
agencies had a higher incidence of drunkenness arrests and a higher
rate of disorderly conduct crimes than did larger agencies, but
reporting biases associated with agency size might lie behind these
findings. For example, Levine and Wachs (1986) estimated that one
agencys crime data included only about four percent of the
transit-related crime associated with that agency. Because they
often have dedicated transit police, large transit agencies usually
have higher quality crime data than do other agencies. Despite having
dedicated enforcement, normally the information gathered and analyzed
at the agency level does not include time of day or location of
the incidents. Protecting the privacy of drivers, publicly reported
data does not indicate who the involved driver was, if there was
one. In contrast with larger agencies, smaller agencies generally
rely on voluntary information exchange with local law enforcement.
This further limits the extent of any analysis of transit-crime
data.
Location of Transit-Related Crime
Location of transit crime varies by the type of offense. Reported
quality of life and property crimes occur at locations other than
stations or vehicles, such as bus stops. In contrast, most reported
violent crimes happen on-board the transit vehicle. A fundamental
reason for this difference is the type of interaction required.
Quality of life crimes often require no direct interaction with
specific victims (a drunken person does not need to interact with
anyone to create an undesirable atmosphere). Table 1 shows the total
number of transit crimes nationwide in these three categories (for
1996 as reported in the NTD), as well as the percentage of each
that occurred in-vehicle.
Table 1: Transit Crime Frequency in the United States
|
Type of Crime
|
U.S. Total (1996) |
Percent In-Vehicle |
| Quality of life |
18,437 |
20 |
| Property |
6,257 |
5 |
| Violent |
4,141 |
63 |
Studies have suggested that most serious crimes occur at night,
when there is little activity. Most non-violent crime, however,
occurs during the evening rush hour (Levine 1986, Loukaitou-Sideris
1998). Taken as a whole, past research shows that crimes, including
transit crimes, concentrate spatially and temporally (Loukaitou-Sideris
1998). Indeed, over the past two decades criminologists have argued
that crimes should be viewed as events that occur at specific locations
in specific situations (Brantingham 1991 & 1993).
Transit Vehicle Operator as Crime Victim
There is a paucity of published research on assaults against
employees of transit agencies, but the consequences of these assaults
are important. Attacks may affect the physical and emotional integrity
of operators or generate absenteeism, high job dissatisfaction,
and high turnover. Causes of these events include fare disputes,
traffic incidents, and rowdy passenger behavior. Oxley (1987) indicates
that in the United Kingdom most attacks happen during the day, although
no attempt to control for exposure (e.g., number of passengers)
is made. Furthermore, Oxley suggests that assaults are not limited
to large cities, but also are prevalent in smaller cities.
Small and medium-sized bus agencies in the US reported a total
of roughly 1,600 crimes in 1996. Of these, employees accounted for
21 percent of the crime victims. At a national scale, the National
Transit Institute (NTI), with the collaboration of San Franciscos
Municipal Railway (MUNI), developed a comprehensive needs analysis
to understand the nature and scope of transit violence against vehicle
operators. The study classified driver-related incidents according
to severity as low-level, medium-level, or high-level incidents.
Low-level incidents have to do with infractions of rules that the
operators enforce. They include refusing to pay fare, playing loud
music, having an offensive odor, and alcohol consumption on the
vehicle. Medium-level incidents involve interaction with operators
or among passengers that are somewhat threatening to the operator
or other passengers. These include the use of racial or gender slurs,
urination on transit property, verbal threats, and pick-pocketing.
High-level incidents are criminal actions that can cause harm.
As expected, the results showed that low-level incidents are very
frequent (about 80-90 percent of drivers have experienced these).
Medium level incidents were less frequent than low-level incidents.
Almost a quarter of all drivers had at least one pick-pocketing
scene on their vehicles during the six months prior to the survey.
Finally, the frequency of high-level incidents is lowest of all
categories, yet still quite high. Twelve percent of vehicle operators
reported being punched or hit by riders in the past 12 months (Haider
1996).
Measures for improving transit security are well received by the
public. Levine and Wachs (1986) found strong support for financing
bus crime prevention programs, preferably via higher fares. Bus-driver
reactions to such measures, however, are not as well studied.
Most safety and security improvement measures can be categorized
as one of the following types: patrol and security, design actions,
media and information campaigns, technological innovation, transit
service improvements, and increasing sanctions of offenders (Ingalls
1994, Wallace 1999). Following are some examples of each type:
Patrol and Security
- Uniformed
- Undercover
- Community patrolling
- Focal point booths
- Vehicle operator
Design Actions
- Lighting
- Signage
- Cleanliness campaigns/ facilitators of compliance
- See-through shelters
- Overall visibility
- Operator cabin screens (e.g., plexiglass)
- Graffiti and vandal-resistant materials
- Moving stops closer to activity nodes
- Widen sidewalks to minimize pedestrian conflict
- Creation of Off-hours waiting areas
- Eliminating/limiting seating at bus stations and major stops
Technology
- Access control systems (e.g., motion detectors) to monitor
ingress and egress
- Closed circuit television (CCTV)
- Alarms (overt and silent)
- Call boxes in vehicles and stations
- Emergency signs on vehicle
- Radios
Information campaigns
- Media campaigns for riders and non-riders
- Leaflet distribution
Transit service improvements
- Increased service frequency on major thoroughfares
- Change in bus service from fixed-route to flexible-routing
at certain times (e.g., evening)
Sanctioning Offenders
- Improve apprehension
- Improve prosecution (e.g., felonization of transit crimes)
- Increase punishment
New technology, such as CCTVs and automatic alarms, can improve
transit system security. Needle et al. (1997) performed a complete
survey of the new technology employed in transit systems, and examples
are given in their report. Presently, however, no evaluatory research
has been conducted to assess the extent to which new technologies
actually reduce or help prevent transit crime. Following are the
chief technologies employed to enhance transit security:
Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV)
CCTV allows transit staff or police to continuously monitor
activities at the station and in some cases, even in vehicles. Cameras
are placed in the locations where crimes are most likely to happen.
As soon as an incident happens, and if it witnessed by a human operator,
appropriate security personnel can be dispatched to the scene, including
the police, if necessary. The presence of CCTV also gives potential
criminals the impression that the system is monitored and any violation
will be detected. CCTV is commonly accepted by transit agencies
and has been installed in several transit systems. For example,
Washington, D.C. (WMATA) has CCTV cameras in every station. Miami
MDTA installed cameras at fare collection and elevator/escalator
areas. San Francisco MUNI has cameras in vehicles on the routes
with the highest incident rate. Bay Area Rapid Transit (San Francisco's
regional railway system) also has cameras on all its trains. GPTC
in Gary, Indiana combines CCTV with other communication equipment
and coordinates with local police to protect passengers from crime.
Call boxes/Emergency Phone
Call boxes provide a means for transit users or transit
personnel to call for assistance. The location must be obvious and
the phones must be convenient to use. Regular inspection and maintenance
are necessary to ensure they are in working condition. A transit
center should establish a procedure for responding to calls for
different types of help.
The Santa Clara County transit agency (SSCTD) California has public
phone access to 911 and loudspeakers directly linked to their control
center. All train operators, fare inspectors are also equipped with
two-way radio for communication with the center. The green, red,
and blue lines of Los Angeles (LACMTA) have passenger communications
systems onboard. Niagra Frontier Transportation Authority installed
emergency communication panels readily accessible to riders in every
train and station.
Alarms
Alarms are used to deter criminality and to call police
or security personnel. They can be placed in stations and vehicles.
For example, Toronto GO Transit has alarms in all stations and passenger
assist alarms on all trains.
Automated Ticketing and Fare Systems
Automatic ticketing systems not only reduce transit operation
costs and save users' time, they also protect transit employees
from exposing themselves to robbery. Santa Clara SSCTD machines
have communication features and alarms built-in for use by transit
staff. Niagra Frontier Transportation Authority has fully automated
ticket machines installed. St. Louis (Bi-State) equips their fare
enforcement staff with hand-held ticketing units. More on Advanced
Fare Systems.
Vehicle Location Systems
Vehicle location systems give a real-time, dynamic profile
of system operation. They also help to determine the best response
strategy by pinpointing the current location of the vehicle when
there is a security event. MCTO in St. Paul of Minneapolis has an
Automatic Vehicle Location (AVL) system on its buses for control
and security purposes. Baltimore MTA installed vehicle locators
in all buses, and there are several agencies considering the installation
of similar location systems. More
on AVL
Pager Systems
A transmitter inside the bus sends a signal to an individual's
pager alerting the person when the bus is in the vicinity of the
bus stop. The transmitter holds 10,000 codes to prohibit any confusion
about which bus arrives at a certain stop. Since the more a person
waits at a bus stop the more he or she is potentially exposed to
crime, such a pager system allows to minimize the possibility of
crime occuring at a bus stop.
SMARTEL Labs Inc., located in Washington, designed BusPAL a pager
system to alert parents and children of bus arrival time. BusPAL
is in operation in several school districts throughout the country.
It is used in high crime areas, at bus stops where there are bushes
and trees and at bus stops located near highways. A pager costs
99 cents. The price for the service varies depending on a family's
income. Low-income families receiving reduced price and free school
lunches would have to pay $3 a month. The regular service costs
$5 a month.
To date no evaluatory research has been conducted to formally assess
the extent to which new technologies actually reduce or help prevent
transit crime. New public transit security technologies could have
the following potential impacts and benefits:
Potential Travel Impacts
Potential Benefits
- Reduced crime and enhanced travel security.
- Reduced damage to facilities and vehicles.
- Increased transit use.
Costs
- Setting up new security technologies such as CCTV's and AVL.
- Security staff, training and equipment.
The sections "Overview of Transit Crime" and "Measures
for Reducing Transit Crime" are mostly excerpted from Wallace
et al (2000).
Balog, J. N., Schwarz, A. N., Hathaway, W. T., and Watson, L.,
"Maximization of Transit Security Through Effective Use of
Procedures", Transportation Research Record, No. 1433, 1994.
Benjamin, J. M., Hartgen, D. T., Ownes, T. W., and Hardiman, M.
L., "Perception and Incidence of Crime on Public Transit in
Small Systems in the Southeast", Transportation Research Record,
No. 1433, 1994.
Boyd, M. A., Maier, M. P., and Kenney, P. J., "Perspectives
on Transit Security in the 1990s: Strategies for Success",
Final Report, FTA-MA-90-7006-96-1, Federal Transit Administration,
U.S. Department of Transportation, 1996.
Boyd, A., and Boyd, P. (1998). Transit Security Handbook.
FTA-MA-90-9007-98-1, DOT-VNTSC- FTA-98-3, US Department of Transportation,
Washington, D.C.
Brantingham, P. J., and Brantingham, P. L. (1991). Environmental
Criminology, Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, IL.
Brantingham, P. J., and Brantingham, P. L. (1993). Environment,
Routine, and Situation: Toward a Pattern Theory of Crime.
Routine Acitivity and Rational Choice. Advances in Criminological
Theory, R. V. a. F. Clarke, M., ed., Transaction Publications, New
Brunswick, NJ.
Ghobrial, A. and Poister, T. H., "Evaluating Security of Rail
Transit Systems: A Metric System Approach", Journal of Advanced
Transportation, Vol. 29, No. 2, Summer 1995.
Hundenski, R. J. (1996). Typology and Analytical Model Of
Violent Incidents In Public Transit. Transportation Research
Record, 1521, 129-136.
Ingalls, G. L., Hartgen, D. T., and Owens, T. W., "Public
Fear of Crime and Its Role in Bus Transit Use", Transportation
Research Record, No. 1433, 1994.
Levine, N., and Wachs, M. (1986a). Bus Crime in Los Angeles,
I: Measuring the Incidence, II: Victims and Public Impact.
Transportation Research, 20A(4), 273-296.
Levine, N., and Wachs, M. (1986b). Tracking Crime on Buses.
TR News, 18-22.
Loukaitou-Sideris, A. (1994). Reviving Transit Corridors
and Transit Riding. Access, 4(Spring), 27-32.
Loukaitou-Sideris, A. (1998). Hot Spots of Bus Stop Crime.
UCTC 384, University of California, Berkeley.
Morse, L. B. and Benjamin, J. M., "Analysis of Feeling of
Security on Public Transit Among Residents of small Urban Area",
Transportation Research Record, No. 1557, 1996.
Needle, J. A., "Synthesis of Transit Practice 21, Improving
Transit Security", Transportation Research Board, National
Research Council, Washington, D.C., 1997.
Oxley, P. R. (1987). Assaults on Bus Staff in Great Britain.
Transportation Research Record, 1108, 27-30.
"Seventh National Conference on Light Rail Transit",
Vol. 1, Transportation Research Board, National Research Council,
Washington, D.C., 1995.
Wallace, Richard R., Daniel Rodriguez and Thomas B. Reed "Transit
Crime and Transit Vehicle Operators: A View from the Driver's Seat",
Transportation Research Board, January 2000.
Reed, Thomas B., Richard Wallace and Daniel Rodriguez "Transit
Passenger Perceptions Regarding Transit-Related Crime Reduction
Measures" Transportation Research Board, January 2000.
Thompson, A., and Aftandilian, E. (1998). Safety Management
Information Statistics (SAMIS) 1996 Annual Report. FTA-MA-26-9033-98-1
DOT-VNTSC-FTA-98-4, U.S. Department of Transportation, Washington,
D.C.
Authors: D. Loukakos and Glenn
Blackwelder. Last update: 12/15/00
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